The Pakistani Voices: Making themselves heard

Amidst a raging pandemic and a rising political opposition, the state finds itself surrounded by resentment. Mr. Khan’s government was formed on the promise of empowering the youth, enabling his electoral victory. However, now the students express disappointment, bemoaning that the government has failed to live up to its promises. The Students Solidarity March of 2020 aims to illustrate the growing emotions of disappointment and urge the state to fulfill their demands.

On 27th November, Pakistan observed its third consecutive Student Solidarity March. The March supported by the Student Action Committee originated in 2018, as a platform for the increasingly frustrated students to voice their demands and to reclaim their democratic rights. The Student Solidarity March finds itself in alliance with many other progressive movements in Pakistan, such as the Aurat March and Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM). Therefore, the movement is the heart of the anger of students, on issues ranging from the privatization of education, harassment on campuses, or enforced abduction and suppression of minorities.

The movement has put forth ten official demands, although different provinces may add more according to their needs. These demands stem from the harsh reality of the daily life of a student in Pakistan. In the sector of education, the movement has lambasted the current government for reducing the budget of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) by almost 40%, resulting in higher fees, thus lower opportunities for higher education among the working class. The movement has demanded an immediate withdrawal of the increased fees accompanied by the provision of necessary facilities such as proper hostels, water, and a clean environment. Moreover, the state should immediately stop its crusade of privatization and provide free education for every member of society by allocating 5% of GDP for the sector of education. 

Concerning the experience of harassment in universities, the movement has demanded swift action which includes the formation of committees for the sole purpose of combating sexual harassment and providing women with a safe environment. Furthermore, the movement has called for an end to enforced abductions of many academics, journalists, and minorities. Surprisingly the movement has also demanded an end to the politically motivated involvement of security forces in educational institutions. However, the most important pillar on which the entirety of the movement lays is the demand for the restoration of student unions. 

The demand for the restoration of student unions is perhaps the most controversial in the eyes of the state. A brief overview of Pakistan’s history uncovers a hostile relationship between student politics and the state. Pakistan imposed bans on student unions, first in 1958 under dictator Ayub Khan, which he was later forced to uplift. The second ban came under Zia’s dictatorship in 1984, under the excuse of countering campus violence which often resulted between the progressive/socialist student unions and the religious fundamentalist unions. Although, in reality,  fundamentalist organizations like the Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT)  were armed and used by Zia as risk insurance against agitation. Moreover, it was the lingering fear of a student-led opposition, such as in the case of Ayub Khan’s removal, and predictions of pro-democracy/anti-dictatorship unions achieving a landslide victory in the elections that pushed Zia to ban student unions. Today, before admission students are forced to sign an affidavit, to ensure they don’t take part in political activities. 

This vigorous agenda of keeping students apolitical is perhaps the biggest contributor to Pakistan’s identity crisis. Under an anti-democratic system like capitalism, unions are the only beacon of protection and democracy in front of organizations motivated by profit. Restoring unions would hold educational institutions accountable for the problems of students and protect their constitutional rights. Banning unions and demonizing political discussions among Pakistan’s future has led to a rapid increase in intolerance, incivility, and extremism. Restoring unions would promote civility and rationalism by providing a safe environment for debate and criticism. 

With these demands, students, workers, farmers, and professors filled the streets in 40 locations across the country. In the march held in Lahore at Charing Cross, Ammar Ali Jan, a professor and an organizer of the movement berated the government for failing the students and promoting fascism. Following the protest, Mr. Jan left in a vehicle which was followed by the police, and was ordered to arrive at Civil Lines Police Station where he would be officially arrested. The arrest warrant, issued by the Lahore Deputy Commissioner, was based on Section 16 of the Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance (MPO). Although Mr. Jan went into hiding, he filed a petition against the detention order in Lahore High Court. On December 1st, The Chief Justice dismissed the detention orders.

All of this speaks to how the government of Pakistan has refused to even hear out the demands of these peaceful protestors, and is, in turn, pursuing a vendetta against them in the fear of an uprising of the intelligentsia of Pakistan.